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Methodologically, my study is based on an ethnographic research
of a certain Bulgarian Muslim migrant community which I first
encountered as a field researcher several years ago. The community
stretches over two places: a village in Bulgaria and a small
town in Spain where most of the village migrants are concentrated.
For my dissertation, I have been working in the field both
in Bulgaria and in Spain since September 2007 and I plan to
continue my fieldwork for 12 months altogether until August
2008. I have been using standard ethnographic techniques such
as participant observation, semi-structured interviews, life
histories etc. At the same time I am attempting to incorporate
a historical overview into my research that focuses both on
Bulgarian state policies targeting Bulgarian Muslims over
the last century, and on current relevant immigration legislation
and social policies in Spain that particularly affect people
coming from accession countries and new member countries of
EU.
Bulgarian Muslims – a social and cultural group with
flexible boundaries – are estimated to make up approximately
3% of the Bulgarian population. While their self-identification
has been described as often relational and situational, from
the outside they are often most broadly defined as ethnic
Bulgarians who are Muslim by religion, which has turned them
into a social group defined mainly by its existence on the
margins of other groups (like Christian Bulgarians or Bulgarian
Turks). Their “ethnic marginality”, however, does
not necessarily lead to internal coherence or a clearly expressed
sense of group-belonging. While offering the migrants better
economic conditions Spain places the Bulgarian Muslims in
yet another marginal and ambivalent position. They are immigrants
and Muslims at the same time. Yet Bulgarian Muslims are not
Muslims in Europe, but Muslims of Europe, who have to cope
with the process of both migration and EU integration, of
difference and (pseudo) equality. This ambivalence opens up
various possible positionings vis-à-vis other social
groups, but also vis-à-vis institutions. It is the
extent to which Bulgarian Muslims enact those different aspects
of their potential social identity that I want to explore
empirically in my research.
Based on my field research up till now, I would argue that
migration is conceived by the Bulgarian Muslims migrants as
an empowering mechanism which allows them to circumvent the
Bulgarian state categorizations and other ethnic and social
groups’ marginalizing definitions, as well as neoliberal
economic marginalization. In Spain they are able to reinvent
themselves and choose other labels to which to subscribe,
while at the same time becoming economically more confident.
Thus, while keeping their Muslims names and Muslim identification
for the internal village community which is reproduced in
Spain, they at the same time present themselves to the outside
world, both institutionally and socially, with their alternative
Bulgarian names and their Bulgarian citizenship as the identification
markers of their choice. Consequently, while sustaining and
reproducing the village community migrants more and more differentiate
themselves from the group of other Bulgarian Muslims through
this duality. Downplaying their Muslimness, or rather disclosing
it only within the narrow confines of the village community,
they offer their Bulgarian nationality and European citizenship
as a distinctive marker of their group identity to the outside
world. Once again, their situational or relational identity
is being activated, in this case by using Europeanness as
the beneficial marker. In the subsequent months of my fieldwork
I would like to continue exploring everyday enactments and
interactions with institutions both in Bulgaria and in Spain.
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