The
Archaeology of Southern Africa by PETER MITCHELL
Cambridge World Archaeology 2002.
515pp; 236 illustrations; 19 tables; ISBN 0 521 53382 1 (£30)
Years ago I drove from Makapansgat to the Kruger National
Park. The journey took most of the day and we went through a variety
of local landscapes and environments that were very different from each
other. But this was a managed landscape, a result of generations of
European style farming practices. But it drove one thing home to me,
that South Africa is vast. In Kruger there was a different pattern.
Largely untouched, this is a diverse ecological landscape reflecting
the classic resource patches beloved of ecologists. This was more enclosed,
yet equally diverse. At the end of the trip I remember thinking how
in the hell can anybody write an archaeology of such a vast country,
with so much difference. Peter Mitchell has taken on the daunting task
of trying to do just that.
The first two chapters introduce the subject and subject
area. Chapter 1 outlines the book and gives a brief introduction to
the nature of the sources used as well as the use of different terminologies
for different groups of people. This is an important starting point.
As the book develops it becomes clear how much of modern southern Africa
is rooted in a recent past manipulated and in some cases deliberately
obscured by Europeans. Chapter 2 is a particularly useful potted history
of southern African research and of the physical and environmental diversity
of the modern day region. This chapter really brings out the scale of
the problems involved in writing a synthesis that seeks to integrate
all this diversity.
The archaeology proper kicks off with chapter 3 which
deals with the early hominins, from the oldest South African sites and
their australopithecine fossils, such as at the Limeworks, Makapansgat
at c. 3.0 mya, down to the late Acheulean and enigmatic Fauresmith cultures
of <= 0.25 mya. For me this was the weakest chapter in the book,
but perhaps I am being over demanding as this topic is my particular
field of interest. The chapter was set well within broader African and
even global debates on hominin origins and the tables provided a quick
and concise overview of much of the available information and how it
all fits together. I would have dearly loved more detail on the Acheulean
sites and their archaeological and spatial significance. This is especially
relevant as much of the hard detail is only available in conference
excursion guides and in South African/African journals which not all
libraries will carry. Southern African Acheulean archaeology is a rich
and very important body of information on local hominin adaptation,
and one that deserves to be far better known through such syntheses
and overview volumes as this one. I would heartily encourage Mitchell
to address this in future editions. Chapter 4 is a much stronger chapter,
continuing the hominin Earlier Stone Age/Middle Stone Age story. The
chapter broadly covers the period from 127,000 to 40,000 years ago.
This is a critical period for the emergence of modern humans and the
chapter deals fairly with questions about modernity, what it is, and
how it maybe identified in the archaeological record. Southern Africa
has an enormous amount to contribute here, and the book I think fairly
reflects this potential, though again I would like to have seen more
detail. Open air and cave sites are discussed, including two world class
sites, Florisbad and Wonderwork. Most of the archaeology is set against
the subsistence quest which becomes a recurring theme throughout the
whole book.
The remaining chapters are rather outside of my experience
base so I judged these on what did I learn, did it appear comprehensive
and fairly balanced, and was it presented in a way designed to help
me take my interests further. Chapter 5 deals with the later MSA and
the transition to the LSA from about 50,000 years ago down to the end
of the Pleistocene at about 10,000 years ago. This chapter introduces
in more detail another recurrent theme of the book that of climatic
and environmental influences on people and how it is reflected in their
material culture. Stone tool assemblages are again the data set around
which human understandings are organised. In the centre of South Africa
and to the south, at the Cape, many of these sites come under the umbrella
of the Robberg phenomenon. In reading this chapter one gets a glimpse
of one of the persistent problems in southern African archaeology; there
are few well dated and well contextualised sites, and their significance
is projected outwards over large tranches of time and space. How relevant
is such a process? What vital variability and differences are being
masked? This perhaps is nowhere more apparent than at the beginning
of the chapter where Mitchell discusses population trends over time
(figure 5.1). A drop in the number of dated sites from 6 to 2, over
a timescale of several thousand years, can not represent a realistic
trend in population shifts. I am no statistician but even I know the
database is far too small to justify such an assertion. The concept
of cultural transitions are also introduced more fully in this chapter.
In some areas the MSA appears to survive long after it has given way
to the LSA in others. Some localities, on the other hand, show what
appear to be genuinely transitional assemblages. Is this a real pattern,
or an artifice of too few sites? It is during this period that we begin
to see art being produced on a larger scale.
In chapter 6 the early Holocene is reviewed from 12,000
down to 8,000 years ago. Again there is a strong emphasis in this chapter
on the climatic influences on subsistence and the food quest. The Robberg
technologies of the previous chapter are replaced, at different times
in different places, by the Oakhurst non-microlithic complex, and at
the end of the period by the Wilton complex which is a microlithic assemblage
type. Also common in this assemblage grouping are small thumbnail scrapers
and an increase in the use of bone shell and wood. Finer grained data
resolution, and increased preservation of organic artefacts sees the
increase in theory driven interpretation facilitated by the increased
complexity of the archaeological record. This level of detail is almost
certainly an artifice of preservation, but it does allow for the existence
of competing theories on subsistence and social organisation. There
is a lovely counter-intuitive feel to many of these ideas – as
climate stabilizes in the earlier Holocene social networks fragment
and become more localised in response to abundance. In earlier Pleistocene
studies we’d be arguing the opposite. The chapter also introduces
as a major theme the use of living gather-hunting peoples as social
models to explain aspects of past societies. Again this is because the
archaeological record, from sites like Elands Bay, provide the finer
chrono-stratigraphic control to allow this. From here on in, the surgical
removal of particular aspects of the social relations of modern peoples,
and their projection backwards in time as explanatory frameworks, becomes
another persistent theme in southern African archaeology. Whether the
ability to do this is a blessing or will ultimately prove to be a curse
remains for the reader to decide. In Chapter 7 the period from 7/6 down
to 2,000 years ago is reviewed. This is the end of the period of the
Wilton complex. The wedge of interpretable data is clearly thickening
out from now on, and the chapter pursues the use of theoretical explanations
introduced in the last one. At certain sites it is now possible to talk
about individuals, or groups/gender groups making statements through
material culture and its organisation. Such is the amount of information
available that this chapter is able to review it following the individual
ecological zones described in chapter 2. The chapter details quite a
shift in the subsistence base. It is what is described as a ‘small
package’ economy. In many areas fire stick farming and geophytes
become important.
For me, chapter 8 was the strongest in the book. It
details the stunning rock art record of southern Africa. As such the
chapter spans the LSA and post LSA periods. Not surprisingly the theme
of ethnographic parallels is fully in evidence as interpretations of
the changing meanings of these images are discussed. I was particularly
pleased that Mitchell avoided the shaman trap. In recent years the uncritical
use of this idea to explain all rock art has been rightly criticised
(and by its chief promoters as well), though its relevance to a significant
proportion of the art remains unchanged. Also brought out well in the
chapter was the appropriation of cultural/magical elements from one
culture group into another (usually Bushman rainmakers by livestock/pastoralist
communities). This is an important insight and should serve as a salutary
warning for those cultural prehistorians who like their social packages
to have clear cut boundaries. Art is also discussed in other research
contexts, such as social patterning and whether broad aspects of social
organisation like aggregation versus dispersal is reflected in the art.
This chapter would serve well as an introduction to any third year undergraduate
lecture on rock art and its relationship to the people who made it.
Chapters 9 and 10 I found the most difficult to ingest.
They deal with the arrival and uptake of pastoralism (chapter 9) and
early farming (chapter 10), and cover the period from around 2000 years
ago up to the arrival of Europeans. The two subsistence patterns are
complementary, and the reconstructions are a complicated blend of traditional
archaeology as well as studies on linguistics and genetics. Mitchell
does a valiant job of reducing this vast body of data, but I felt that
without at least some prior knowledge it was hard to take it all in.
In some respects this is not a fault of Mitchell’s powers of synthesis
or organisation, these chapters deserve a book in their own right (as
indeed do most of the other chapters). The pastoralists, traditionally
grouped under the umbrella term Koekhoen are mostly restricted to the
western and south-western portions of the sub-continent. Whereas the
early farming communities, who introduced iron working into the region,
are centred to the eastern and north-eastern region, largely concomitant
with the summer rainfall zone. The archaeology inevitably reflects an
obsession with origins, diffusions and dispersals as all farming/pastoralism
research has to. Some significant themes emerge here too. Very notable
is the ‘pots=people’ formula underpinning migrationist interpretations.
Also clear from these chapters is the influence of a few individuals
whose ideas tend to dominate the intellectual landscape. For me the
most fascinating sections of these chapters were those that dealt with
the inter-relations between farmers, pastoralists, and the gather-hunters,
all of whom were contemporary, with many communities directly inter-reacting
with each other, thus reinforcing the warnings of the previous chapters
about imposing impermeable cultural boundaries upon what still is an
essentially typological cultural framework. A dominant structuring interpretative
principle in the archaeology of farming communities is the CCP or Central
Cattle Pattern. This is a settlement pattern present among certain modern
farming/livestock communities and is recognised from the recent past
as well. Houses are organised around a central cattle byre, and the
location of the houses of senior political figures, men and women, and
men and women’s burials within the compound reflect a particular
world view that it is clamed can be understood through structuralist
oppositions. While most scholars are happy to accept the existence of
the physical CCP, there is a lively debate about just how far the world
view of modern peoples living this lifestyle can be projected backwards.
Mitchell’s discussions on this embrace the issues clearly.
In chapter 11 one of the glories of southern Africa
is described, that of the emergence of state polities perhaps best known
through Great Zimbabwe which rose during the early second millennium,
mostly to the north of the Limpopo. The iconic walls of Great Zimbabwe
were begun sometime between 1220 and 1275 AD. Its most prolific period
was in the century and a half after 1300 AD. The chapter places the
Zimbabwe tradition within the broader context of the development of
statehood in southern Africa. (The patronising and racist drivel of
early Victorian interpretations, perpetuated by the Apartheid regime
which sought to downplay or entirely remove the role of Blacks within
this indigenous development are touched on in the final chapter of the
book.) While most people have heard of Great Zimbabwe, fewer will have
heard of Mapungubwe already a dominant power in the Sashe-Limpopo basin
when Great Zimbabwe’s walls were first being built. Earlier than
Great Zimbabwe, the cultural influence of this polity covered an astonishing
30,0002 km. It may well have been at one end of a trading network spreading
as far east as China! The chapter also gives a god deal of space to
the later Zimbabwe tradition, and to the post-Zimbabwe continuation
of statehood and the smaller more regional polities that were extant
at the time of European contact.
Chapter 12 details the archaeology of the later farming
communities. This is a deeply important aspect of southern African archaeology
as the expansion of peoples linked to the Bantu family of languages
are the ancestors of modern African peoples and their linguistic and
cultural groups. Once again genetics, pottery, settlement typologies,
and linguistics form the core data sets, only now the difference is
in the sheer volume of information. This is the archaeology of the descendents
of the earlier farming communities in eastern and south-eastern southern
Africa, south of the Limpopo. House and settlement typologies are particularly
important, and some of those, which can be associated with modern social/linguistic
groups show marked dissimilarities with the practices of their descendents,
a clear warning that uncritical projection of modern ethnographic parallels
can be misleading. The chapter details the complexities of trade and
exchange between different areas within the Highveld (inland plateau
away from the coast), particularly in relation to metals; iron-smithing
appears rare in the Highveld. The real defining aspect of this period
though is the Mfecane. This is the name given to the period of disruption
supposedly attendant on the rise of the Zulu kingdom, though the book
makes it abundantly clear that the situation was much more complicated
than that. This chapter is very much an archaeology of the effects on
indigenous communities of the expanding colonial frontier, set against
political instability, warfare and population expansion. Chapter 13,
complements this concentrating on colonial archaeology, still a relatively
new subject. Important additions to this are underwater excavations
centred on the remains of trade vessels whose potential histories can
be reconstructed through documentation. Important sections of this chapter
focus on the Black resistance to the expanding colonial and later Boer
frontiers. Finally the book comes to a close with an all too brief look
at the state of South African archaeology today – chapter 14.
South Africa is in a unique position to begin a reflexive dialogue on
its recent and more remote past, and how that relates to the conflicting
interests of a modern but (sadly still) very fragmented society. Within
this, the attempt by the Apartheid state to manufacture certain aspects
of history is a key aspect, and provides another lesson that South Africa
can provide to the world.
So is this a good book, and does it fairly represent
the current state of knowledge of both the practice of archaeology in
southern Africa, as well as the archaeology itself? On the whole my
answer is yes, it is a good book, and does do what it sets out to. At
first base it gives an integrated overview of the whole of southern
African prehistory and later historical archaeology under one cover.
The only other such work I know of is Mason’s 1962 book concentrating
on the Transvaal. So in one sense it is a much need work. A lot of the
detail Mitchell synthesises is in local or regional journals or from
other sources not available to many scholars, so the book scores well
on this point too. As I said earlier, my own area of expertise, human
origins, could be more fully developed, and perhaps students of other
periods could take issue with later sections of the book. To some extent
though the southern African record is a wedge with the thin end driven
firmly into the earlier prehistoric record, so the author is not being
unduly unfair. Less is known about the earlier phases. The strengths
of the early part of the book, such as the contextualisation of debates
in terms of broader research agendas persist throughout the volume and
I found this helpful. But I think a clearer outline of the themes that
weave themselves throughout the work would have facilitated this a little
more. Did I learn something of the archaeology of later periods from
the book? Yes. It is well written and well organised, which helps in
drawing understandings from the text. In places though I found the writing
dense and difficult, in particular where complicated multidisciplinary
data was being drawn together. It is a hard thing to judge the balance
between how much explanatory detail to include at the expense of the
argument itself. Mitchell uses tables well. They synthesise and show
the big picture in an effective way. This certainly helps to get the
message across.
I think for the most part the book fairly reflects
the practice of modern archaeology as well. It reveals a research agenda
rooted in chronology, environmental and subsistence studies, in migrationist
and diffusionist paradigms. Its theory base is largely a functional
one. Yet it reveals a lively archaeological community emerging from
the aridity of the Apartheid era, and one that is embracing a more pluralistic
approach (I have to declare my biases here, I have long been a fan of
South African archaeology and its archaeologists), although I do think
the theoretical base is a little richer than Mitchell describes. Despite
the debilitating lack of resources, new appointments are being made
in universities and research is being supported, although local museums
are very hard hit. (I would recommend anyone to go and see the McGregor
Museum in Kimberley. Their new ‘Ancestors’ gallery is a
superb reflection of this plurality. Then perhaps contrast this with
the sad state of repair Museum Afrika in Johannesburg has fallen into,
or the stunning, well resourced, but very pro-ANC bias to the Apartheid
Museum again in Johannesburg.)
Where I think the book is a clear winner is in the
picture of the archaeology itself that it presents. The southern African
record is not well known outside of Africa, and the few non-African
university departments that specialise in the region. Yet it contains
one of the richest continuous archaeological records anywhere in the
world, a record that deserves to be far better known. Its earlier phases
are providing hard data to contribute to the key debates in human evolution,
so its archaeology and palaeontology is of global significance. The
later pre-history and historic archaeology has critical lessons to offer
that apply everywhere that culture, population movements and the use
of material goods are used to reconstruct the past. In revealing the
depth and richness of this archaeological record Mitchell has done a
good job. Let us hope this is the first of many such books – the
archaeology deserves nothing less.
John McNabb
Southampton University
References
Mason, R.J. 1962. The Prehistory of the Transvaal. Johannesburg,
Witwatersrand University Press
Review Submitted: August 2004
The views expressed in this review are not
necessarily those of the Society or the Reviews Editor.
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