In Rabat- Salé, a slum is defined as any settlement of precarious
housing either on private plots of land, or with the settlers being
provisionally tolerated on publicly owned plots of land. The main
categories in Rabat- Salé are:
Médinas:
these are the old neighbourhoods of the pre-colonial city. Their
deterioration resulted from the out-migration of middle and well-off
classes and of economic activities. This double loss impoverished
neighbourhoods. Lack of maintenance of houses that were rented room
by room led to a rapid deterioration. The médinas continued
to constitute a source of informal and irregular employment that
allowed underprivileged populations to live and work there, attracting
poor external populations. Médinas are comparatively well
preserved and, although damaged in part, other sections have been
rehabilitated. For some the only problem is general urban development.
Intra-muros:
these shanties are slums with precarious buildings in sheet metal
or adobe that date from the 1960s on rented or squatted plots of
land. They emerged as spontaneous settlements on easily occupied
lands near industrial or agricultural activities. Originally peripheral,
they should have been integrated as the town was developing. These
slums have been gradually and partially rebuilt with more permanent
material. They have better urban integration, with some services
and selfimprovements of tertiary road, rail and waterways and organized
garbage collection. However illegal, those slums that have existed
for a long time are often tolerated by the authorities.
Peripheral
slums: these emerged in
a similar way to the intra-muros, on easily accessible community
land or near economic activity. However, their history is less marked
by formal and structured interventions. They are still able to accommodate
new populations because of lower densities. Their sheer numbers
force the authorities to tolerate them.
Illegal districts: these are groups of concrete buildings
that, more or less, resemble traditional low-cost buildings built
on purchased plots of land but without any permit. They are deprived
of basic services and infrastructure. However, depending upon age
and stage of legalization, their situations do vary. This is why
it is difficult to consider them as similar to the previous categories
and to the ‘slums’ category, in general. They are primarily
designed in anticipation of legality. Populations in illegal districts
are more heterogeneous than in the former categories, both in terms
of origins and in socio-economic terms. Today, the oldest formations
of illegal neighbourhoods are completely integrated within the urban
environment. The first settlements were on rented or leased lands.
The most recent settlements (since the 1970s) started as subdivided
agricultural properties. The majority of the population is of lower-middle
class, for whom these neighbourhoods were the only access to home-ownership.
The main policy on people living in slums involves resettling them
in public housing estates; more rarely does the policy involve restructuring.
Until quite recently, no differentiation was made between urbanized
and peripheral slums. Urban policies never had the objective of
improving slums or their social conditions. Interventions tried
either to get rid of slums as obstacles to urban development or
to minimize their impacts on the urban landscape and on the city
image. Political or security imperatives; the need to undertake
big infrastructure works; urban modernization or improvement requirements;
land or property pressures; and accidents or natural catastrophes
have all been used in the past as reasons to ‘clean up’
slums and force their inhabitants to reception sites. These sites
are generally less central than the primary settlements (often outside
of the urban area) and quite often lack adequate services. Alternatively,
urban cosmetic operations that were meant to hide the unsightly
or disturbing effects of slums, and to encapsulate them, limiting
their expansion, were carried out.
During the 1970s and 1980s, some more positive interventions took
place, prompted by the conviction thatimprovement in situ can resolve
the problems of the poor in a more efficient way because it is adapted
to their real conditions. These interventions came in two categories:
Limited
improvements: neither part
of programmes nor formal policy, they are mainly in the form of
daily political management, and ad hoc negotiations involving elected
representatives, local authorities, private agencies and populations
regarding NGO and community-based action.
Restructuring:
this encompasses upgrading projects implemented on a large
scale and decided at the national level as policy popularized during
the 1970s and 1980s. The interventions brought basic infrastructure
and services to existing shantytowns, regularized occupational status
and allowed the occupants to build on their plots. From then on,
the site is considered as integrated within the formal city. The
best known operation is the Urban Development Project that integrated
spatial and physical upgrading with social, economic or institutional
improvements. This restructuring soon raised disputes, was called
into question and was abandoned at the end of the 1980s. The central
issue concerned the quality of the final product – housing
– as well as neighbourhoods.
The rapid evolution of legal urbanization around slums has generated
strong pressures for their eradication. This pressure is sharply
felt by the inhabitants and deepens the feelings of extreme marginalization.
Cleaning up interventions, except for the recovered urban space
ready for new urban development, does not achieve any improvement
in housing conditions for the previous inhabitants. Confidence in
resettlement as the perceived unique and best answer to the slum
issue has entirely ceased during the last 15 years.
The only hope for Rabat- Salé lies in the steady promotion
of regularization interventions, combined with massive basic infrastructure
and services provision to underserved areas. This can only happen
if Morocco is prepared to seriously step up its national- and local-level
interventions in a holistic approach to urban poverty alleviation
and to support social programmes that help slum inhabitants to emerge
from their marginalization and societal exclusion. To achieve this,
the general perception of slum dwellers has to be considerably improved
nation-wide, and far greater emphasis must be given to participation
and partnerships that involve all stakeholders and beneficiaries.
Coherent urban policy must be promulgated as a start to creating
a national system of urban governance that includes all sections
of society.
This summary
has been extracted from:
UN-Habitat (2003) Global Report on Human Settlements 2003, The Challenge
of Slums, Earthscan, London; Part IV: 'Summary of City Case Studies',
pp195-228.