The text in this short paper could easily be used
to construct new - and potentially dangerous - myths.
This paper is not suggesting that less
attention be given to rural poverty reduction but it is saying that
the scale and depth of urban poverty is constantly under-estimated
and it needs more attention. It also stresses that there are many
characteristics of deprivation in urban areas that are different
from those in rural areas.
The document does not say that rapid
urban growth is not happening or not causing problems; it is suggesting
that it is less rapid and less concentrated in very large cities
and that the association between urbanization and stronger, more
robust economies is often forgotten.
This document is not saying that cities
are not causing serious environmental problems; it is saying that
an increasingly urbanized world need not imply insuperable environmental
problems.
The document's stress on the need for far more
support to 'good local governance' does not imply that that 'good
national governance' and 'good global governance' are not important
but it does suggest key roles for these higher levels of governance
in providing frameworks and support for effective, accountable,
transparent local governance - which in turn can deliver on the
national and global targets.
In the end, this document is not so much about
proposing new generalizations as about questioning the validity
of existing generalizations. Perhaps more thought needs to be given
to why so many inaccurate generalizations are generated. In part,
it is because we have to hand so many tables which list all the
world's nations with lots of statistics. One can even get most of
these tables electronically and it is very easy to use the data
to produce charts or graphs comparing nations without knowing anything
the nations in the chart or graph and without knowing whether the
information used is accurate. We can compare nations' levels of
urbanization against their per capita incomes - without recognizing
that many of the statistics on levels of urbanization are guesses
or projections from old data because many nations have had no recent
census. We compare city populations or population growth rates without
recognizing the many different ways in which city boundaries are
defined - which limits the validity of these comparisons. London,
Los Angeles, Tokyo, Buenos Aires or Mexico City can be correctly
stated as having populations that are declining or expanding in
recent decades, depending on which boundaries are used. And even
if the statistics are accurate, what does it tell us when we find
that two cities have comparable population growth rates? One may
be growing primarily from rapid in-migration because of a prosperous
economy and a low rate of natural increase. Another may be growing
primarily because of high rates of natural increase or rapid flows
of refugees fleeing wars or civil strife.
There is now a large literature on how urban
trends in particular cities or city districts or small towns are
influenced by a vast range of local, regional and often global factors.
But the generalizers ignore this literature because it does not
lend itself to short summaries or easy generalizations. This creates
a large gulf between the literature on the specifics and the general
literature - yet the general literature should be a summary of the
findings of the more specific literature.
No-one knows how many urban centres there
are around the world but they must number over 50,000. They stretch
in size from small market towns or district headquarters with a
few thousand (or in some nations a few hundred) inhabitants to metropolitan
regions with tens of millions of inhabitants. They include among
them many with among the best and among the worst living conditions;
also among the best and the worst quality of lives. Also among the
highest and among the lowest levels of resource use, waste and greenhouse
gas emissions per person. From this vast and diverse range of urban
centres, some can be selected that are growing very rapidly - but
it is as easy to find a sample that are not growing rapidly or that
are losing population, even in Asia and Latin America. (Probably
in Africa too - although the statistical base on the population
of individual urban centres over time is very weak in most nations).
We do know that well-functioning and well-governed urban centres
and urban systems are very important for strong economies, better
service provision (water, sanitation, health care, schools.....)
and good environmental management - but the means to move towards
this must be locally rooted and determined locally - with much space
given to democratic pressures. The motive for preparing this text
was because of the myths, mis-conceptions and inaccuracies that
abound about urban development. It would be unkind to give references
for this but my research programme is constantly sent drafts of
documents about urban change that are full of the myths noted above.
Many published documents also present variations of the myths listed
above. But please do not use this document to produce more generalizations,
other than the importance of rooting responses to urban problems
in the needs, rights and priorities of those who suffer most from
current inactions and inappropriate policies.
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