Institute of the Americas
- Job vacancy at UCL-Institute of the Americas: Teaching Fellow in Latin American Economics
- CfP - Rethinking the proceso: The Argentine Dictatorship (1976-1983) in Perspective - March 24, 2016, UCL Institute of the Americas
- CfP - What to Learn from International Human Rights Systems?
- CfP - Ideas and Transformations in the Americas - April 2016, UCL Institute of the Americas
- Various post-doctoral fellowship schemes at UCL-Institute of the Americas - calls now open
Tweets by @UCLAmericas
- Historians for the Twentieth Century United States (HOTCUS)
- The Presidential History Network
- The White House
- The American Presidency Project
- Edward M. Kennedy Oral History Project
- Use of Executive Power in the US Presidency, presentation by James Pfiffner, hosted by Fora TV
- Presidential Studies Quarterly journal
- Roosevelt Study Centre
- Jensen's American Political History On-Line
- UK Survey of US Presidents
- The Miller Center, University of Virginia
The twentieth century was in many respects the American century. Having emerged to world power status by 1900, the United States evolved over the next hundred years into the main actor in global politics and, with its Cold War triumph over the Soviet Union, had arguably become the sole global power by the end of the twentieth century.
Associated with this, America’s economy, which underwrote its immense power and
prosperity, led the world initially in traditional manufacturing and later in
the high-tech industries of the modern era. Furthermore, America’s success had
much to do with its capacity to define itself as the land of freedom – the
meaning of freedom changed over time but no idea was more fundamental to
Americans’ sense of themselves as individuals and as a nation.
The twentieth century appeared to prove the promise of the United States’ eighteenth-century founding that it would enjoy continual progress as the land of freedom and opportunity. Of course, the benefits of this progress were not evenly distributed along racial, gender and class lines. Nevertheless, the United States did make advances in addressing these issues through its civil rights revolution, its women’s rights improvements, and the redistributive policies of the New Deal and Great Society.
At the peak of its power and prosperity as the twentieth century ended, the United States appears to have entered a new period of relative decline in the twenty-first century. The rise of China threatens its global economic predominance at a time when its domestic economy has only achieved weak recovery from the Great Recession of 2007-09. Its public debt has spiralled and without a fiscal course correction threatens to become unsustainable. For many families, the American Dream has lost its meaning amid conditions of stubborn joblessness, stagnant wages, and growing income inequality.
Meanwhile, America’s immense military
power has not guaranteed success in prolonged interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan and cannot provide solutions to new international problems, whether pertaining to the Arab Spring or to climate change matters.
In these circumstances, political
divisions at home have intensified rather than declined. Some analysts have
characterized the recent partisan gridlock in Washington as producing broken
government at the very moment when America needs united and effective
leadership to address its long-term problems. Today’s Democrats and Republicans
appear incapable of bipartisanship because of their polarized views on the role
of government, public spending, and taxation.
Despite its problems, the United States remains the most important actor in global politics and its economy’s wellbeing is fundamental to global economic growth. Both candidates in the 2012 presidential election defined the contest as one whose outcome will shape their nation’s development through to mid-century. Its effect on the rest of the world is likely to be no less significant.