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As the Scottish independence referendum draws closer the outcome is hard to predict. Both Westminster politicians and the wider public are asking what – in practical terms – would happen if the Scots were to vote Yes. Robert Hazell offers a 10-point overview of what the road to independence might look like.
Professor Robert Hazell
9 September 2014
Starts: Sep 9, 2014 12:00:00 AM
The Nordic countries have received exceptionally good press in the UK - at least until earlier this year, when British travel writer and resident of Denmark, Michael Booth, claimed to dispel the of Scandinavia as the perfect place to live. Many are now confused. Is
everything we believed about the social ideals of Sweden, Denmark,
Norway and Finland a lie? Well, not entirely but we’re not all drunk
serial killers either.
Dr Jakob Stougaard-Nielsen
19 August 2014 More...
Starts: Sep 8, 2014 12:00:00 AM
The age-old question of what holds our societies together re-emerges periodically, particularly in times of crisis. In a world ever more globalised and virtual, the answer is often cast in terms of "trust", with its pivotal role as regularly called upon as its health called into question. How has trust risen to this centrality, and is it all as straightforward as it seems?
Dr Uta Staiger
13 August 2014
Starts: Aug 13, 2014 12:00:00 AM
EU, CSDP and Mali: an increasing French disappointment?
Publication date: Feb 19, 2013 10:12:32 AM
Start: Feb 19, 2013 12:00:00 AM
Dr Nicola Chelotti
On the 17 January 2013 the Council of the European Union established a Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) military training mission (EUTM Mali) to specifically train and re-organise the Malian Armed Forces, in order to contribute to the restoration of the country's territorial integrity.
While providing training and advice on command and control, logistics, human resources and international humanitarian law, the mission will not participate in combat operations. The EU has been closely monitoring the situation in Mali since January 2012, when several rebel groups in the north of the country rose up against the central government, and March 2012, when a group of junior soldiers deposed the democratically elected government of Amadou Toumani Touré and suspended the constitution.
EU foreign policy decision-makers have been consulting continuously and trying to coordinate in order produce a common, coherent, and effective EU response. There is indeed a widespread and growing consensus that Mali is a strategic and important area for Europe as a whole. Mali is considered part of Europe’s “broader neighbourhood”, whose stabilization and peace are key priorities for EU foreign policy. Similarly, negative spillovers on migration, energy supply, food emergency, deterioration of the humanitarian situation and terrorism are widely mentioned as top concerns for the EU.
And yet, despite rumours that an EU military mission could be launched, the response of the EU was certainly limited, small, and modest. And it was also late: the deployment of the EUTM Mali has been accelerated in reaction to the current crisis. It is not clear what exactly the trainers would do, since most Malian troops are already on the front, fighting against the rebels. Instead, as the crisis worsened, the French government launched (January 2013) a combat operation in Mali, with land and air forces – and the military logistic support from other EU member states. The EU and other EU capitals have expressed clear praise and political support. In other words, despite the relatively strong consensus, in Brussels as well as in the capitals of the member states, that stabilising Mali is clearly in the EU's interest, the current crisis management operation is a unilateral French, and not a CSDP, initiative.
The CSDP was/is still portrayed as (and, often, more or less implicitly criticized for being) an essentially French product: France was certainly a key player in the emergence of a CSDP, and behind all the major developments and missions of EU defence policy. Additionally, there is often a widespread suspicion that France tries to upload its policy preferences to CSDP missions – with the objective, among others, to conceal French national interests. And, allegedly, this is nowhere more pressing than in Africa's French policy.
However, there is another, somewhat opposite, and increasingly worrying (for the CSDP) risk – that France would start to distance itself from the CSDP itself. French policy-makers are becoming increasingly disappointed and frustrated with the other member states (especially, Germany): getting the EU act in international politics has become increasingly difficult and complicated. As the former French Foreign minister has recently wrote in a report for the President of the French Republic, “Unless there is a strong reawakening of political determination to make Europe a global power, to prevent it from becoming powerless, and dependent, all of the arrangements for the Europe of Defense will be nothing more than incomplete or lifeless words on paper”.
The crisis in Mali, and the EU's response to it, can be also read in this light, and cast further shadows over the (present and the) future of the CSDP.
1 Vedrine, Hubert (2012), “Report for the President of the French Republic on the Consequences of France’s Return to NATO’s Integrated Military Command, On the Future of Transatlantic Relations, and the Outlook for the Europe of Defense”, p. 23