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COMMENTS 

EU referendum: the view of a UCL clinician-scientist

John Martin, Professor of Cardiovascular Medicine at UCL, argues that scientific advance relies on creativity, cooperation, and financing. To leave the EU would diminish all three, dimming the light of British science in the world and threatening the UK’s future economy. This piece is part of the UCL European Institute’s commissioning partnership with openDemocracy. For more on this topic, join the UCL European Institute for its high-level panel discussion EU Membership and UK Science on 12 May.
10 May 2016
John Martin
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Starts: May 10, 2016 12:00:00 AM

‘Eurofog’ of claim and counterclaim on EU membership and UK science

Graeme Reid, Professor of Science and Research Policy at UCL, recently advised a House of Lords inquiry on the impact of EU membership on UK  science and research. In this post, he discusses the inquiry’s main findings, both expected and unexpected. He also joins a high-level panel to discuss the topic at the UCL European Institute on 12 May 2016.
10 May 2016
Graeme Reid
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Starts: May 10, 2016 12:00:00 AM

Something rotten in the state of Czechia?

The Czech Republic has been in the news recently because of its politicians' somewhat quick Celtic campaign to rebrand the country to the world as ‘Czechia’. But among political scientists and businesspeople the country's name has long suffered worst damage than this.
5 May 2016
Dr Sean Hanley
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Starts: May 5, 2016 12:00:00 AM

Bulgarian PM’s resignation & Public Disorder in Europe

Publication date: Feb 20, 2013 05:28 PM

Start: Feb 20, 2013 12:00 AM

Eric Gordy

Dr Eric Gordy
February 2013

The main difference between public disorder in Bulgaria and everywhere else in Europe is that in Bulgaria the government responded. Although the immediate catalyst for protests was the state’s failure to control growth in the price of electricity, the core causes are shared in every European state: dissatisfaction resulting from the forced dismantling of social support services brought on by the European debt crisis, and a sense that policymakers are orienting their activity not to the needs of the public but to the service of large European banks.

These forces are accompanied by the perception that national governments have neither the capacity nor the will to address the consequences of a fiscal and social policy that are widely seen as imbalanced against the public interest. In Greece, Hungary and Italy the contribution of public dissatisfaction to the rise of antidemocratic movements of the extreme right is already apparent.

While conservative political leaders in the EU, particularly from Germany and the UK (and until last year, France) have largely been successful in pushing for a shift of priorities to debt service and “austerity,” the consequences of this should concern everybody in Europe. In the period after the end of the First World War, there was a similar euphoric and triumphalist announcement that liberal democracy could declare its inevitable victory across the continent.

Inattention to the responsibilities of states to their publics on the part of that generation of liberal democratic elites led to a rapid and general decay of constitutional systems and an accelerating tendency of governments to neglect of social responsibilities.

If we take one lesson from the failures of democratic order in the 1920s and 1930s, it should be that governments that fail to address social needs will be challenged by forces, some of them extremist ones, that promise to do so.