[Papers from the Institute of Archaeology 4 (1993): 77-89, Iannone, G & Conlon, JM]

Discussion

The occurrence of eccentric lithics within the confines of a peripheral group, such as Tzinic, demands explanation, considering the overwhelming pattern of their recovery from the ceremonial sectors of large Maya sites. However, upon consideration, their presence in the Tzinic context is not entirely out of place given the dynamics of ancient Maya socio-political relationships. It is generally believed that ritual items, such as eccentrics, were used to link elites at different centres (Gibson 1989: 117; see also Shafer and Hester 1983: 538). Currently, the most accepted model for describing the nature of these Maya elite relationships is one of peer-polity interaction (e.g. Freidel 1986; Sabloff 1986; see also Renfrew 1986).

Given the scenario outlined in this paper, certain aspects of the peer-polity model become important. For example, Renfrew (1986: 7-8) notes that, concomitant with the development of peer polities, there also appear “assemblages of specific and special artefacts which may be associated with high status in the society in question; and customs....indicative of ritual practices reflecting and perhaps reinforcing the social organisation”. This definitely seems to be the case with eccentrics, which are high status items, are employed during rituals, and are arguably manipulated for social and political ends (Iannone 1992a). Renfrew (1986: 7-8) also suggests that “the observed feature will not be attributable to a single locus of innovation....but, so far as the chronological means allow, will be seen to develop within several different polities in the region at about the same time”. This expectation is again met with reference to eccentrics, as no clear place of origin can be isolated within the Maya lowlands, although northern Belize may be the best candidate (see Gibson 1989; Iannone 1992a: 129-153, 1992c). In addition, formalised use of eccentrics begins across the Maya lowlands at roughly the same time, the late 4th to early 5th century AD (Iannone 1992a: 83, 129, 1992c). Thus we believe that a strong argument can be made for the use of eccentrics within peer-polity interaction. This is supported by the recovery of identical, complex morphological forms from far-flung Lowland Maya sites (Coe 1959, Tables 1 and 2; Iannone 1992a: 6, 181).

Freidel (1986: 93), in a recent argument concerning the nature of ancient Maya warfare, postulated that “Maya religion, and political ideology .... provided a charter for the creation of peer polities”, and that “....the advent of a new polity was heralded by the same charter of power found in all of the other polities” (emphasis ours). It can therefore be argued, following Freidel, that eccentrics were part of this charter of power. Elite interaction, and the manipulation of this charter of power were major means by which burgeoning elites obtained status, and established elites consolidated status. We would suggest, therefore, that as components of this charter of power investment, eccentrics, and the knowledge of their production and proper usage, would be tightly controlled by the ancient Maya elite. Otherwise, such artefacts would not have been effective in the development and maintenance of socio-political status within the peer-polity system (e.g. Brumfiel and Earle 1987; Gero 1989; Peregrine 1991).

In summary, it is likely that: (a) the Tzinic elite were attempting to solidify their socio-political position within the region by employing the most effective elite material culture expressions, or in other words, the charter, suggested by Freidel; (b) this material was employed during a time of obvious prosperity at Tzinic, as indicated by the concomitant programme of architectural modifications and elaborations; (c) a full understanding of the use of eccentrics and other components of the charter existed, as is attested by the association of a stela, with eccentrics, and a temple structure, and the presence of morphologically complex eccentric forms identical to those recovered from far-flung Maya sites;(d) through the utilisation of these symbols the elite at Tzinic were tapping into a very powerful ancestor cult, and where thus striving to distance themselves from the lesser members of the surrounding population by elevating their bloodline past that of mere ‘economic elite’ to the higher, and possibly more stable, level of ‘ideological elite’; (e) due to the tight control over who had the knowledge of, access to, and right to employ, such highly charged items, the ruling elite at Cahal Pech, and possibly other elites within the Belize Valley, must have condoned the use of these items by the residents of Tzinic.

Conclusions

In conclusion, the eccentrics from the Tzinic group offer a good example of the dynamic and active role played by material culture in the definition and solidification of socio-political relationships. These highly charged elements of the Maya material culture assemblage, along with others, were employed by the Maya elite to reaffirm their position in the ruling hierarchy. The tight control over the production, redistribution, and use of these items acted to maintain them within the hierarchical boundaries of ruling elite interaction, and the concrete boundaries of the ceremonial precincts of larger Maya sites. That the Tzinic elite, located in the periphery of the larger site of Cahal Pech, were able to gain access to these material symbols, and to the knowledge to employ them in a proper manner, suggests that a close relationship existed between the Tzinic residents and the ruling elite of Cahal Pech. However, this leaves open the question of the nature of this relationship. How did the people of Tzinic relate to the larger site of Cahal Pech, to the surrounding population, and to the rest of the elite in the Belize Valley? Such questions cannot be answered here, although they are the topic of an investigation by one of the authors (Conlon, Ph.D. dissertation in progress). Suffice to say, the eccentrics are a key to the fuller understanding of Tzinic’s position in the socio-political hierarchy within the Belize Valley.

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